The Tories’ fragility and divisions have given Labour the opportunity to take a real lead on the most pressing issue in the country, writes Sam Alvis

Theresa May’s position looks remarkably stable compared to just a few weeks ago, when she appeared indecisive over the future of three of her under-fire cabinet ministers, and well-known issues around the Irish border seemed to catch the government off guard and threatened to derail any Brexit progress before it began.

Yet she chose that moment to double down, deciding to formalise not only a Brexit time but date  —  leaving just 16 months to get not one but two major agreements with the European Union.

And despite the surprise announcement of an initial deal last week, Conservative members of parliament will not have forgotten the disastrous under-performance in June.

If May does fall, another general election could well leave Labour with the unenviable task of finishing negotiations. Shadow Brexit secretary Keir Starmer has done an admirable job scrutinising the government in an unprecedented area, but his team now need to move beyond scrutiny to becoming negotiators themselves. 

To win this hypothetical election, Labour need to earn the public’s confidence to govern. This means not just opposing a weak prime minister, but putting ourselves in her shoes. And in 2017 that means little else but managing Brexit. 

Even though the European Union has deemed that sufficient progress on citizen’s rights, money and the Irish border, these areas will still need concluding. And this will be alongside the huge swathes of detail needed for phase two –essentially every other aspect of our relationship from trade to transportation.  

By triggering article 50 without a plan the Tories were deeply irresponsible, but without developing detail now Labour are just as guilty. Are we shooting for a close association like Ukraine Plus, CETA but deeper, or European Economic Area lite  —  does the leadership even know what these are? 

Labour’s 2017 manifesto says that ‘we will scrap the Conservatives’ Brexit White Paper and replace it with fresh negotiating priorities that have a strong emphasis on retaining the benefits of the single market and the customs union .’

Labour did well in May with this ambiguous Brexit position. We know Labour wants to put jobs first, and to manage migration  —  but this does not give clarity on Europol or the European Arrest Warrant, common security and defence policy or climate change Ttargets. 

A manifesto is not a negotiating paper but significant questions remain in Labour’s promise to produce them: Labour would guarantee EU citizens rights  —  but what does this mean for family members and future onward travel? If Labour scrap the withdrawal bill how will our EU rights protections bill answer the EU’s significant concerns on future regulatory alignment? By what means can the European Medicines Agency work with non-member states, and what can we offer to be a part of it. Likewise is mobility for researchers enough to be part of Horizon 2020?

Now is the time to develop practical, workable positions. Labour has strong networks across Europe to consult on both the aspiration and practicalities of a new relationship. The Tories walked away from the EU’s biggest political group in 2014, to sit with fringe views and nationalists. Labour, on the other hand, is a leading voice in the Socialists and Democrats group, deeply involved in the party of European Socialists and can access a vast trade union network.  

Each shadow cabinet member should draw on these networks, and businesses eager to engage to take negotiations above a political bun fight. Nia Griffith could work with Nato, the German defence industry, and French strategy thinktanks to present a future for defence collaboration that works for both the United Kingdom and the EU.  

Consultation is vital to move beyond a UK-centric view of negotiations. Our politicians need to better understand what is politically feasible for EU leaders as well as what the British public might allow. Angela Merkel’s political capital is low during coalition negotiations, and Emmanuel Macron has important reforms to push through. Presenting both with a solution that represents the views of their citizens will make it much easier for them to support at European Council.  

As Labour have effectively pressed the government for, these consultations and positions should be made public. Transparency is vital to demonstrate Labour’s competence, but also for EU partners to be prepared to work with us.  

But above all else, Labour is the party of the many  —  the party of national interest. If it can come up with truly workable solutions, that protect jobs, the economy and our status abroad, we should be happy that they might be used ahead of the government’s dangerous brinkmanship and slogan based approach.  

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Sam Alvis is a former parliamentary staffer now working on EU research policy. He tweets at @SamAlvis2

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