Before the next general election, Labour will need to lead the campaign to save the union. John McTernan outlines how the party should help thwart Alex Salmond’s dream

Few things in politics are utterly predictable, but Alex Salmond’s next move is. He will call a referendum on Scottish independence in 2014, on or around 24 June – which is the 700th  anniversary of the Battle of Bannockburn. Hate Braveheart? You ain’t seen nothing yet. The most nauseating, stomach-churning festival of fictional history and pseudo-patriotism is going to kick off in Scotland very shortly. And it will be paid for by the British taxpayer. Yes, your hard-earned taxes will be used to fund blatant propaganda – and no one will stop it. Why do I say this? Because for the last four years as a minority government the Scottish National party ran the most politicised administration ever in British history – and that includes Militant’s control of Liverpool city council – and no civil servant, to the highest level, has ever challenged this. Why? Because, to use a good Scots word, they’re feart.

It seems everyone has bought into the Scottish first minister’s myth of inevitability. As he puts it: ‘They said there would never be a Scottish parliament – and there is. They said there would never be a minority SNP government – and there is. They said there would never be a majority SNP government – and there is. They say Scotland will never be free – but we will be.’’ It is a tendentious argument, but it is delivered with such self-belief that it cows most people I know, supporters or opponents. As a senior SNP figure once told me: ‘The problem with Alex is that he’s a man who’s got a date with destiny. The trouble is – he might be right.’

Of course, objectively there are three main reasons that Salmond will not have his way. First, there has never been a time over the last 25 years when more than one-third of Scots have told pollsters they support independence. And, as the SNP’s popularity rose before the general election in May, support for separation fell to record lows. This is related to the second point: Scots are canny. Being part of the UK is a good deal – even taking account of oil and gas revenues Scotland receives £15bn more a year in spending than it raises in taxes. And those are Salmond’s own figures. But third, and most importantly, there is the Labour party – the party which has shaped modern Scotland, from hydroelectricity to Silicon Glen, and devolution, is not going to let Scotland separate itself entirely from the rest of the UK.

In the immediate aftermath of the brutal defeat in May there was much pessimism. The national media noticed that there was a different politics in Scotland – something Scots had broadly understood for the past 20 years. And surveying the scene there was soon a consensus that not only was Labour done for, but there would be a referendum and Salmond would triumph again. This is faulty, if understandable, logic – but as the Labour party slogan used to have it, the victory of ideals must be organised.

Any objective analysis of Scottish Labour’s position would start with the catastrophic defeat, but it would not stop there. Just a year before, in one of the worst defeats Labour has had in its history, there was a three per cent swing to Labour, and over a million people voted for the party in Scotland. The reason? Twofold. On the one hand, Scots want Labour to represent them at Westminster – as the Inverclyde by-election showed. On the other, they responded to the positive, optimistic, future-facing agenda, which the then Scottish secretary Jim Murphy gave them in 2010.

Scottish Labour needs to learn both lessons: better organisation on the ground has to be matched by a powerful vision of the future. The UK will not be saved by dolefully repeating figures on why Scotland will be poorer outside the UK – which it will be – but by talking about how much poorer the UK would be without Scotland. The two most-loved British institutions – the BBC and the NHS – were gifted to the nation by respectively a Scot, John Reith, and a Welshman, Nye Bevan. That is the greatness of our country. And the third fundamental institution – the British army – is disproportionately Scottish. Pride in, and passion for, these shared British institutions bind us together and exemplify the values that we share.

The very word ‘British’ is holy water to the nationalist vampire – they hate it, and seek to undermine it in any way they can. But recognition of the strengths of the ties that bind us has led to a new SNP tactic labelled ‘independence-lite’. This is the idea that Scotland, once separated, would share the monarchy, the currency, the central bank, army and naval bases at home and embassies abroad and so on. Hardly the heroic vision of America’s Founding Fathers, or even the leaders of the Baltic nations freed from the yoke of communism. But this is not about logic, it is about removing objections to independence by blurring them. The best response is mockery on the one hand, and ‘daft laddie’ questions on the other hand.

‘How precisely would that work? Do explain,’ is a deadly question for nationalists. The truth is they do not have a clue. They are much like the proponents of AV in the recent referendum, or, to take another example, like the supporters of a republic in the Australian referendum. Their movement is broad, and shallow, and therefore bound together by a host of compromises. One of the traps we too often fall into is to allow ourselves to be portrayed as ‘unionists’. We are not. That word has a long and honourable tradition in British politics, but that is not ours. We are in favour of what exists, the status quo, the longest-lived and most successful single market in the history of the world. Nationalists want a disruptive and transformational change. Let’s get them to explain what that change would be, what it would do, and why they think that would be good.

Take one simple area. A lot of people have been sold on the notion that Salmond is a social democrat. But his first priority economically is a cut in corporation tax. It is an odd sort of social democrat who thinks big corporations are overtaxed. It is, of course, pure Reaganomics – the Laffer Curve. It is fun to point out, but more profound is the unease this provokes which gets the response: ‘Don’t worry, that will be sorted after independence. Mind you, I’m not keen on it myself.’ This is somewhat reminiscent of the promise that the contradictions of capitalism would be easily resolved when we got socialism. The devil is in the detail and we – and Scottish voters – need to know: what are the new anti-poverty strategies that separation would permit? How will life expectancy be increased and standards of education raised?

Of course, there will be a referendum, but expect more tricks here. The SNP want to conduct it outside the oversight of the Electoral Commission and have a multiple choice question. Why? So they can maximise the chance of getting across the line, not by winning more votes, but by fragmenting the overwhelming majority. Our response should be clear. Already there is a groundswell of popular opinion calling for the vote to be held soon. If it were done, ‘tis well it were done quickly. Scottish Labour should voice that demand and speak up for a fair vote. There should be one question: should Scotland stay in the union? And a straight choice: yes or no? And appropriate oversight by the impartial Electoral Commission. It will be a tough fight, but Britain cannot afford to lose Scotland – and it won’t.

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John McTernan is a commentator and strategist, and is currently thinker-in-residence for the government of south Australia

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Photo: Ewan McIntosh