In just a few hours, Anders Behring Breivik became one of the most notorious faces of contemporary far-right extremism. While this terrorism served as a platform for his ideas and highlighted their potent reality, it has equally forced far-right parties to position themselves following the tragedy and revulsion that Breivik incited. France’s National Front, which has high hopes for next year’s presidential elections, is no exception.
Jean-Marie Le Pen, National Front founder and president until January this year, provoked outrage by asserting that worse than the attacks themselves is the ‘naivety’ of the Norwegian government, which has misunderstood the ‘global danger’ posed by ‘mass immigration’.
Such loathsome and controversial statements from the outspoken five-time presidential candidate are nothing new to the French public. The particular outcry in this instance is over the reaction of the party’s new leader, Le Pen’s daughter Marine, who let a week elapse before commenting on her father’s words.
On Friday, she finally declared her support for his statement, thereby justifying the mainstream parties’ criticisms. Having vilified her silence as a confirmation of Jean-Marie Le Pen’s continued power, they emphasised that despite appearances the party had not moved on from his patently xenophobic leadership. For, nepotism aside, Marine Le Pen won the leadership as a moderniser; a friendlier face representing a more palatable version of the far right party.
Concordantly with far-right populism, Le Pen portrays herself as the anti-establishment candidate. Former lawyer and mother, she has sought to distance herself from the party’s thuggish associates, creating a veneer of respectability. Much of the National Front’s new support comes from women and young people, who find blonde, smiling Marine a palatable alternative to her obscene octogenarian father.
Marine Le Pen’s efforts have not gone unrewarded. Membership has risen and, in almost inevitable and terrifying symbiosis with increased media exposure, so have approval ratings: she notoriously outscored Sarkozy to come second in presidential polling in April.
How seriously should this shift be taken? Substantively, the National Front remains unchanged. Le Pen has carefully adjusted her vocabulary to one of ‘la République’ and ‘sécularisme’; words that thereby become quasi-euphemisms for the fight against ‘islamisation’. Stressing the need for ‘national preference’ at multiple levels, she flagrantly advocates discrimination that, if implemented, would violate a whole host of human rights, constitutional principles and international treaties.
Behind these grand ambitions is an unsurprising vacuity. At meetings rallying the new recruits, well-dressed, well-spoken young activists, immigration and globalisation are vehemently criticised. Policy is incoherent and real propositions are scant.
The ‘Marine factor’ aside, more classic indicators help to explain the successes of the French National Front. The global economic downturn has bred feelings of insecurity and protectionism, while electoral turnout remains low. The latter amplifies the FN’s gains, as many voters who feel failed by the mainstream parties abstain.
Clearly, the ability of Sarkozy’s Union for a Popular Movement and the Socialist party to present programmes and ideas that resonate with the electorate and expose the realities of the National Front is crucial in counterbalancing the latter’s increase in popularity.
Sarkozy’s numerous appeals to the far right have, however, merely legitimised the terms and debates favoured by the FN, while he suffers a significant, long-term decline in popularity. Likewise, Claude Guéant, minister of the interior since February, quickly gained a reputation for making inflammatory, far right remarks, which the president has done little to curb. Elsewhere, beyond the DSK affair, numerous politico-financial scandals have tarnished the reputations of the political elite.
So, if the branding is different, the substance of the French National Front is essentially the same. As the UMP under Sarkozy looks unlikely to reorientate towards the centre ground, the onus lies overwhelmingly on the Socialist party to recapture the disenchanted swathes of the electorate.
Those who risk shifting from abstention to a vote for the FN must be given a convincing alternative. Even if a repeat of 2002’s voting saw ‘Le Pen II’ go through to the second round of next year’s elections, the chances of her becoming president are still virtually non-existent: the overwhelming majority of French voters will still not countenance supporting the National Front. Yet to far-right extremists it would nonetheless symbolise a further landmark consolidation of their advances across Europe.
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Felicity Slater is a member of Progress
Felicity Slater is a welcome addition to Labour younger activists withhh a real knowledge of Europe, in her case a fine sense of France. The populist right is now an important part of the European political landscap. Marine Le Pen is seeking to detoxify the party her father created. But while she avoids overt anti-semitism key NF leaders remain rooted in the old obsessions about the Jewish lobby, its wealth and influence. As we see British immigrant citizens standing up for human values in the face of the recent violence it is important that those (including Blue Labour) who wish to demonize foreigners and incomers are not allowed to make their preudices mainstream politics.
” pink tie for Nick then so, girls allowed ” ! “bit sexist that ” “nah,its a pun” “oh wot ,like ‘gang ‘ ? “
immigration? well then perhaps people should worry more about a further 3000 Israeli homes in East Jerusalem ? and the consequences thus engendered.
Very interesting and good analysis of the current situation. A second 21st of April is indeed to fear in France, and I completely agree with Denis Macshane to say that criticism of immigration MUST NOT become mainstream politics, and that we should remind it to our left wing parties that, too often, tend to align themselves on the far right’s position on these topics. This kind of attitude only gives more credit and legitimacy to far right parties and ultimately benefits them.
Being clear that immigration should not be stigmatised requires political courage. So does preparing and implementing truly effective employment, education, housing and social policies responding to the actual issues we are facing.