‘Imagine my initial confusion’, tweeted Labour member of parliament Jess Phillips, ‘as I worked in sexual health MSM means Men who have Sex with Men’. The MSM, or the so-called ‘mainstream media’, has become the scapegoat for many about the grievances they feel with the world. If it is not going their way, it must be the media’s fault.

The ‘ferocious’ media and its reporting of ‘Tory myths’ are largely to blame for May 2015’s defeat in a winnable election, argued the long-awaited Beckett report last month. In ‘Learning the lessons from defeat’, it cited the unfairness that ‘every Labour spokesperson on any current affairs programme faced, not just disagreement and opposition from two other major parties – par for the course – but disagreement which was tightly coordinated’. As if it is unfair that the Tories do their job. ‘From the outset’, she argued, ‘it was hard for Labour’s counternarrative to be heard.’ Responsibility for this does not appear to fall on the leadership, the content of what the party had to say – which around a third of the report repeats and defends – or Labour’s own message-carriers.

The media is blamed for almost everything. In fact, it is the only part of the report that is comprehensive in its analysis. Example after example flows. ‘Major policy failures by the coalition … were allowed to slip from public attention’ not because our attack was not strong enough or widely supported but ‘despite our best efforts’. The bias against Labour is confirmed when ‘the Tories made promises that were wholly uncosted or unquantified … without the media storm that any such proposals from Labour would have provoked.’ Comparisons with Tony Blair’s portrayal as ‘Bambi’ when leader of the opposition are also referenced. But the fact that he cast off this image long before the short campaign was not. Ed Miliband, however, ‘faced an exceptionally vitriolic and personal attack’.

What is problematic is the way the report, as Miliband himself had done, made a virtue of the fact that Labour received bad coverage. As early as 2012 Miliband wore it as a badge of honour, saying, ‘There are no hard feelings between me and News International. They want me to lose, I want them in jail.’

Most insulting is the Beckett report’s conclusion that, ‘We need a comprehensive media strategy, which includes local, regional and national media, print, broadcasting and social media. While recognising that by far the greater part of UK media supports our opponents, we should work to establish and maintain good professional relationships with media practitioners.’ To suggest Labour’s problems were to do with its press staff failing to prosecute the strategy could not be further from the truth. The party continues to attract highly professional and competent staff, especially in this area. They went above and beyond over five years, and especially in the short campaign when others joined them from the private sector to expand capacity. It was not that Labour’s press team did not rival its Tory opponents, it was that it was issued with blunt knives while George Osborne and Lynton Crosby were handing out automatic weapons.

So what should one conclude? Just one thing. If you do not like what the press is writing, do not reach for Leveson – make better stories. If you are finding it hard to get purchase, ask deeper questions. Is the argument right? With its values intact, what could Labour say that experts or independent opinion-formers might repeat? If you can win them over, the press will not be able to avoid reporting your story and communicating your narrative. The West Wing’s Josh Lyman tells his colleague Donna Moss that ‘getting political reporters to write about issues in the first place is like getting kids to eat their vegetables … It helps if there’s nothing else on their plate.’ Labour’s leadership must learn to clear the decks and draw the media’s focus. At Progress annual conference 2014, Owen Jones attacked the leadership for having a ‘see your GP in 48-hours’ pledge, but then failing to keep that line of messaging going for even 48 hours. That should have set off alarm bells.

2015 saw the Tories perfect Crosby’s ‘dead cat strategy’ – a provocative attack designed to start a fight and move the story on. However, the masters of the tactic seem now to be allies of Jeremy Corbyn, using it against themselves. At a recent prime minister’s question time Corbyn lifted the morale of MPs and focused his attack on Osborne’s cuts to student grants. Within hours, leader’s aides were briefing the press about the Falkland Islands. At the Fabian Society new year conference, Corbyn led on domestic policy, only to have John McDonnell move the gaze by raising the Falklands (again) and Emily Thornberry as new shadow defence secretary on Andrew Neil’s Sunday Politics. Before that Osborne was making a speech about how precarious the economy had become under his stewardship while Ken Livingstone took to our screens to float the idea of leaving Nato.

Since the election, Labour has been undergoing a process of SNPisation. First came the Twitter trolls and sexist online abuse, then came the moral sanctimony mixed with a Millwall fan’s ‘No one likes us and we don’t care’; finally protesting against the ‘British Biased Corporation’ and calling for Nick Robinson’s sacking was aped by Seumas Milne in the midst of a botched reshuffle. Labour spin doctors turned their focus on Laura Kuenssberg for having the political intelligence to know someone was resigning and get them to announce it live on air. Instead, reflect on why the most overbriefed and longest reshuffle stifled out any message Labour might have about the Tories.

The reshuffle ended with rallying cries from all sides to focus our fire on the government. This is obviously right. But the conclusion not made by Beckett, which should have been, is this: unless Labour is a better alternative to the Tories it will be simply shouting at the ‘mainstream media’, rather than leading in it. And if you think the media is to blame, try talking to the public. As Deborah Mattinson reports in Progress this month, they have one or two choice lines for Labour.

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Credit: Jon S